Until some government with courage and character
enough to repeal them comes into power, it is not too much to
ask that such infamous powers of oppression should be kept in
responsible hands and not left at the disposal of every bigot
ignorant enough to be unaware of the social dangers of
persecution. Besides, the common informer is not always a
sincere bigot, who believes he is performing an action of signal
merit in silencing and ruining a heretic. He is unfortunately
just as often a blackmailer, who has studied his powers as a
common informer in order that he may extort money for refraining
from exercising them. If the manager is to be responsible he
should be made responsible to a responsible functionary. To be
responsible to every fanatical ignoramus who chooses to prosecute
him for exhibiting a cast of the Hermes of Praxiteles in his
vestibule, or giving a performance of Measure for Measure, is
mere slavery. It is made bearable at present by the protection
of the Lord Chamberlain's certificate. But when that is no longer
available, the common informer must be disarmed if the manager
is to enjoy security.
SUMMARY
The general case against censorship as a principle, and the
particular case against the existing English censorship and
against its replacement by a more enlightened one, is now
complete. The following is a recapitulation of the propositions
and conclusions contended for.
1. The question of censorship or no censorship is a question of
high political principle and not of petty policy.
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